September 12, 2007
Washington, DC
Vol. 42, No. 19a
Washington, DC
Vol. 42, No. 19a
To: Our Readers
- Paulson pushes for AMT 'patch'
- Petraeus and Crocker hearings provide few surprises
- Congress and White House setting stage for veto battles
- Hagel retirement creates more GOP headaches for 2008
- Doolittle insists on running again, Republicans line up for primary challenge
Outlook
- Contrary to the happy talk coming out of the Bush Administration, well-informed business sources have heightened the perceived risk of recession. If the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) at its meeting next Tuesday does anything less than cut the federal funds rate by 50 basis points, it will be a major disappointment and damaging to markets and the broader economy. Indeed, a cut that deep already has been discounted in markets.
- The long awaited launch of former Sen. Fred Thompson's (R-Tenn.) presidential candidacy failed to achieve the dynamism that he needed to compensate for his late start. Every GOP candidate is flawed in one way or another, which is Thompson's principal asset. Thompson's decision to announce his candidacy on "The Tonight Show" with Jay Leno on the night of a New Hampshire debate was an incredible blunder that casts doubt on the competence of his campaign.
- Apart from Thompson's absence, the big story out of the New Hampshire debate was the "comeback" by Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.). He showed that he performs best as an underdog, but he has a long way to go to rebuild his credibility. Just as insiders began to consider former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney (R) as the most likely nominee, his performance was unimpressive. His judgment has been called into question by his statement (later recanted) comparing his sons' work in his presidential campaign with military service in Iraq.
- Accepting money from her fugitive fundraiser surely cannot be blamed personally on Sen. Hillary Clinton (D- N.Y.), but her return of the funds raised by him may have long-ranging consequences on her front-running candidacy. It recalls the Clinton image of illegal overseas fund-raisers, stigmatizing her as an old-fashioned politician while Sen. Barack Obama (D-Ill.) represents change.
- The decision not to run (see below) by Sen. Chuck Hagel (R-Neb.) now raises to five the possible losses of Senate seats by Republicans. Democrats also are targeting Sen. Gordon Smith (R-Ore.) for a sixth seat. If 2008 turns into a Democratic landslide, Senators Elizabeth Dole (R-N.C.) and even Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) could be in danger.
- Paulson makes it clear that with recession posing a danger on the horizon, the economy cannot afford a tax increase. Consequently, his primary goal in the field of taxation is a "patch" limiting the current impact of the runaway Alternative Minimum Tax (AMT). Paulson's problem is the tax redistribution measures likely to be added by Congress to any AMT revision.
- Paulson also is asserting that the U.S. is losing out competitively because the corporate income tax rate, once the lowest in the industrialized world, is no longer competitive. Chances of this Democratic Congress's cutting the corporate rate, however, seem to be between slim and none.
- The full-page advertisement in the New York Times from liberal 527 group MoveOn.org, calling Petraeus dishonest and accusing him of "cooking the books for the White House," played to Republicans' advantage. The White House, congressional Republicans and conservative media seized on this ad and successfully used it as a distraction. Republicans' prepared statements focused mostly on praising Petraeus's integrity, either directly or indirectly responding to the MoveOn.org ad. Most Democrats felt pressure to distance themselves from the ad, which meant also sticking up for Petraeus's integrity and ability.
- The newest angle in the testimonies from Petraeus and Crocker was the focus on Iran. In describing that a "premature withdrawal" would create a "vacuum," the two men argued that Iran would fill that leadership vacuum -- a more concrete and ominous threat than the earlier warnings that chaos would reign. This argument lends some strength to the White House case that an ongoing troop presence is needed.
- One fundamental fact in the debate on war is that Congress never really wants to meddle in foreign policy when it doesn't have to. Democrats will be happy to criticize the administration and to continue holding symbolic votes, but it would be surprising to see actual policy changes forced by Congress.
- This Democratic reluctance is causing rifts between the party and its anti-war base -- a cost of being the majority party. Handling this rift will be the chief challenge for the Democratic presidential hopefuls. Because the Democratic frontrunners are both lawmakers, and the Republican favorites mostly are not, the White House and the congressional GOP could help their party's chances of retaining the presidency by forcing tough votes.
- While Democrats are made uneasy by the war, it is a downright liability for the GOP, and some Republicans are inching away from it. Former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney (R) notably has refused to join his fellow Republicans in declaring he would have invaded Iraq knowing what he does today.
Veto Battles: Congress and the White House are setting the stage for a few veto battles this fall.
- The President appears to have backed down from his threat to veto the toothless "lobbying reform" bill passed with overwhelming bipartisan majorities. While the White House and some other critics grant the bill is "better than nothing," it may not be. Thanks to late changes in the bill that rank-and-file members never noticed, the legislation actually makes it easier for senators to sneak through unauthorized spending plans without oversight or transparency. Bush could still pick a veto battle over this, but most of the mainstream media -- and most Republican lawmakers, for that matter -- have bought into the line that this is a lobbying reform measure. Given the party's circumstances, any Republican would be uneasy standing up to the bill.
- The Senate today will vote on passage of a generous transportation bill with discretionary spending $3.1 billion higher than Bush requested. The White House officially sent notice to the Hill that the price tag would incur a veto. Democrats might not mind forcing the President to veto a highway bill shortly after the deadly bridge collapse in Minnesota.
- Democrats also look forward to a veto battle over their expansion of the State Children's Health Insurance Program (SCHIP). Congress has voted to expand the program to cover people who are neither children nor poor -- giving government health coverage to middle-class young adults. For Democrats, passing the bill into law would be a great step towards universal government-funded healthcare, but inducing a Bush veto would create a wedge issue. This is the power of the majority.
- The White House also seems to have backed down from a veto threat against the bill overhauling student loans, increasing Pell grants and creating new entitlements for student-loan forgiveness. Bush had threatened a veto, but after the bill passed with veto-proof majorities in both chambers, Education Secretary Margaret Spellings signaled the White House would sign the bill.
| Open Senate Seats, 2008 | |||
| Currently Held by Republicans: 3 | |||
| Colorado | Wayne Allard | Retiring | Leaning Takeover |
| Nebraska | Chuck Hagel | Retiring | Leaning Takeover |
| Virginia | John Warner | Retiring | Leaning Takeover |
| Currently Held by Democrats: 0 | |||
Mr. Novak was a syndicated columnist and editor of the Evans-Novak Political Report, a political newsletter he founded in 1967 with Rowland Evans. He passed away August 19, 2009. Read tributes to Robert Novak and his legendary work, as well as memories from Novak alumni and the Human Events family.
Mr. Carney served as a reporter for Bob Novak from 2001 to 2004, and from 2007 to 2008 as the senior reporter and—upon Novak’s retirement—editor of the Evans-Novak Political Report.
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